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2007年3月17日 (土)

Roberts, Ian (2007) Diachronic Syntax

Roberts, Ian (2007) Diachronic Syntax, Oxford University Press Inc., New York.

Contents
Preface  xi
List of Abbreviations and Acronyms xii
Introduction 1
1. Comparative and historical syntax in the principles-and parameters-approach 19
1.1. UG and variation in grammatical systems  19
1.2. The null-subject parameter 24
  1.2.1. The null-subject parameter in the synchronic dimension 24
  1.2.2. The null-subject parameter in the diachronic dimension: changes in the history of French 33
1.3. Verb-movement parameters 40
  1.3.1. Verb-movement in the synchronic dimension 41
   1.3.1.1. Verb-movement to T 41
   1.3.1.2. V-movement to C: full and residual V2 48
   1.3.1.3. Further properties related to verb-movement 55
  1.3.2. Verb-movement in the diachronic dimension 56
   1.3.2.1. V-to-T in earlier English 56
   1.3.2.2. V2 in diachrony 58
1.4. Negative concord 64
  1.4.1. Negative concord synchronically 64
  1.4.2. Negative concord in the diachronic dimension: the development of French n-words 77
1.5. Wh-movement 81
  1.5.1. The wh-movement parameter 81
  1.5.2. Wh-movement in the diachronic domain: Old Japanese 90
1.6. Head-complement order 92
  1.6.1. Head-complement order synchronically 92
  1.6.2. Head-complement order diachronically 102
1.7. Summary 108
  Further reading 110

2. Types of syntactic change 121
2.1. Reanalysis 122
  2.1.1. The nature of reanalysis 122
  2.1.2. The Transparency Principle 127
  2.1.3. Phonology and reanalysis 129
  2.1.4. Expressing parameters 132
  2.1.5. Reanalysis and the poverty of the stimulus 140
  2.1.6. Conclusion 141
2.2. Grammaticalization 141
2.3. Argument structure 149
  2.3.1. Thematic roles and grammatical functions 149
  2.3.2. Changes in English psych verbs and recipient passive 152
2.4. Changes in complementation 161
2.5. Word-order change: OV > VO in English 175
  2.5.1. Introduction 175
  2.5.2. Early typological approaches to word-order change 176
  2.5.3. Generative accounts and directionality parameters 180
  2.5.4. 'Antisymmetric' approaches to word-order change 189
  2.5.5. Conclusion 197
2.6. Conclusion to Chapter 2  198
  Further reading 198

3. Acquisition, learnability, and syntactic change 207
Introduction 207
3.1. First-language acquisition from a principles-and parameters perspective 209
3.2. The logical problem of language change 226
3.3. The changing trigger 236
  3.3.1. Contact-driven parameter-resetting 236
  3.3.2. Cue-driven parameter-resetting 242
  3.3.3. Morphologically-driven parameter-resetting 245
  3.3.4. Conclusion 251
3.4. Markedness and complexity 251
  3.4.1. The concept of markedness 251
  3.4.2. Markedness and parameters 253
  3.4.3. The Subset Principle 256
  3.4.4. Markedness and core grammar 261
  3.4.5. Markedness and inflectional morphology 261
  3.4.6. Markedness, directionality, and uniformitarianism 264
  3.4.7. Conclusion
3.5. Parameter setting and change 266
  3.5.1. A format for parameters 267
  3.5.2. A markedness convention for syntax 272
  3.5.3. From unmarked to marked 275
  3.5.4. Networks of parameters 277
  3.5.5. Conclusion to Chapter 3 282
3.6. Conclusion to Chapter 3  282
  Further reading 284
4. The dynamics of syntactic change 291
4.1. Gradualness 293
  4.1.1. Introduction 293
  4.1.2. Lexical diffusion  297
  4.1.3. Microparametric change 300
  4.1.4. Formal optionality 305
  4.1.5. The Constant Rate Effect  309
  4.1.6. Conclusion 314
4.2. The spread of syntactic change 315
  4.2.1. Introduction 315
  4.2.2. Orderly differentiation and social stratification 319
  4.2.3. Grammars in competition 319
  4.2.4. Formal optionality again  331
  4.2.5. Abduction and actuation  333
  4.2.6. Change in progress? Null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese 335
  4.2.7. Conclusion 339
4.3. Drift: the question of the direction of change 340
  4.3.1. Introduction 340
  4.3.2. Typological approaches to drift 342
  4.3.3. Drift and parametric change 345
  4.3.4. Cascading parameter changes in the history of English 351
  4.3.5. Conclusion 357
4.4. Reconstruction 357
  4.4.1. Introduction 357
  4.4.2. Traditional comparative reconstruction 358
  4.4.3. Questions about syntactic reconstruction  360
  4.4.4. The correspondence problem 363
  4.4.5. The 'pool of variants' problem 367
  4.4.6. Parametric comparison 368
  4.4.7 Conclusion
4.5. Conclusion to Chapter 4  376
  Further reading 377
5. Contact, creoles, and change 383
Introduction 383
5.1. Second-language acquisition, interlanguage, and syntactic change  384
5.2. Contact and substrata 389
  5.2.1. Introduction 389
  5.2.2. Contact and word-order change in the history of English 391
  5.2.3. Substratum effects: Hiberno-English and Welsh English 399
  5.2.4. A 'borrowing scale' 404
  5.2.5. Conclusion 405
5.3. Creoles and creolization 406
  5.3.1. Introduction: pidgins and creoles 406
  5.3.2. The Language Bioprogram Hypothesis 407
  5.3.3. The substratum/relexification hypothesis 419
  5.3.4. Conclusion: how 'exceptional' are creoles? 425
5.4. Language creation in Nicaragua 427
5.5. Conclusion to Chapter 5  438
  Further reading 440

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